HOW DID IT COME TO THIS?
(PART 1)
By Ayman (e-mail:
drayman@fast-email.com)


INTRODUCTION
1:7.
Guide us the straight path, the path of those You bestowed
Your favor on, those who have not earned anger at them and not
the strayers.
In the
article entitled
Language Barrier we have seen how even important events in
Sira (the biography of the prophet) are problematic, for
example, when the prophet was born and where he lived. There
is no evidence of a pre-quranic town named Mecca and the
evidence shows that the common noun "mecca" (destruction) in
48:24 was appropriated after the great reading was revealed.
So naturally, the question arises, where did the prophet
really live?
Before we
try to answer this question, let me say that I don't believe
that it is necessarily an important question in itself. Had
the answer been important then we would have been given a
precise map in the great reading to find it. However, a
possible value to answering this question is dispelling some
of the traditional myths that surround the prophet's
biography. This in turn may help us in some way or another to
more clearly understand some aspects of the great reading.
WHERE
DID THE PROPHET REALLY LIVE?
In our
quest to find the region where the prophet really lived, we
will use a somewhat different approach to previous attempts.
We will use an approach based on the orthography of the great
reading. In the same way that one can recognize if a scribe is
British or American from the style of a person's English hand
writing, the use of certain vocabulary and the spelling of
certain words, we will try to use orthography to identify
where the great reading was originally descended. As we saw in
the article "Language
Barrier", Arabic was an informal common people language
and not a prestigious religious or literary language of the
elite. As a result, archeologists have found that up to the
Islamic era and the appearance of the great reading, Arabic
inscriptions were written in various scripts and there was no
specific script associated with the language. Arabic writers
simply used the script of prestige of the geographic area
where it was written. The script of prestige was the script
associated with the language of prestige in the area. In the
pre-Islamic era, there were two main scripts used to write Old
Arabic:
- The
Nabataean Aramaic script. This is the script of the
Nabataean Aramaic language.
- The
Musnad script. This script is also called Ancient South
Arabian script and it is the script associated with the
Sabaic language.
While the
Musnad script became extinct shortly after the Islamic era,
the Nabataean script became the Arabic script that we are all
familiar with today. The following map shows the location of
Old Arabic inscriptions in the Nabataean script (in red) and
Musnad script (in green).

In northern
Arabia, southern Syria and southwestern Iraq, up to the fourth
century AD, Aramaic was the language of prestige. Thus, we
find that the important religious texts were in Aramaic. The
distribution in the north of the Peninsula of Old Arabic texts
suggests that speakers of the Old Arabic dialect were present
throughout the areas where Aramaic had come to be the prestige
language. It was therefore natural that when Old Arabic came
to be written in these regions, the Nabataean Aramaic script
was the chosen vehicle. However, unlike the Ancient South
Arabian Musnad script, the late Nabataean script only had
twenty-two letters to represent the twenty-eight phonemes of
Arabic and thus was largely inadequate for the expression of
Arabic. For example, the "B" and "T" are indistinguishable and
so are the "Kh", "7a", and "J" and the "Z" and "R". Moreover,
letters such as the "B", "Y", and "N" are indistinguishable in
the initial and medial positions. Thus, dotting was sometimes
used to resolve ambiguities. Despite those major inadequacies,
the prestige of the Nabataean Aramaic script outweighed other
considerations.[1]
While the
script of prestige in Northern Arabia was the Nabataean
script, the script of prestige in Central Arabia and South
Arabia was the Musnad script. Thus, in the Central Arabian
town of Qaryat Al-Faw we find that Arabic inscriptions (see
example below) were written using the Ancient South Arabian
script. We also see the same phenomenon is the South at places
such as Najran and Haram.

Arabic inscriptions found in
Central Arabia such as the above use the Musnad script.
The
prestigious script in central Arabia as demonstrated at Qaryat
Al-Faw is Sabaic. So the orthography of the great reading
negates a central Arabian origin. In central and south Arabia,
the Sabaic script remained the prestige script until the
Islamic era when it was displaced by the Nabataean Aramaic
script of the great reading.
In the
Roman affiliated Ghassanid provinces of northern Arabia, Greek
increasingly became the prestige language of politics and
religion starting around the mid fourth century CE and thus
took over as the prestige religious script. This is confirmed
by two pre-quranic leaves of parchment bearing a part of the
Septuagint text of Psalm 78 (LXX, 77) with an Arabic
explanation written in Greek script[2].
On the other hand, in southwestern Iraq and the border areas
of Northern Arabia, the Lakhmid provinces continued to use
Nabataean Aramaic as the script of prestige for writing
Arabic.
Given the
physical archeological evidence above and the fact that there
was no specific script associated with Arabic, the great
reading was simply written in the script of prestige of the
region where it originated. At the late sixth century CE, the
Nabataean Aramaic script was the script of prestige in the
Northern Arabian Lakhmid provinces and border towns, just as
the Musnad script was in central Arabia. So this completely
negates that the great reading was originally written in a
central Arabian town such as present-day Mecca otherwise it
would have been written in the far more suitable Musnad
script, which was the script of prestige for that region. This
also completely negates that the great reading was originally
revealed in a Roman town such as Jerusalem or the Ghassanids
towns around it where Greek was the prestige script. The only
logical conclusion based on the evidence is that the great
reading must have originated in a north Arabian Lakhmid
province where Nabataean Aramaic was the prestige script.
As an
interesting side note, we see in the great reading Nabataean
idols such as Manat spelled using the Nabataean spelling with
a medial "waw" ("mnwt") as opposed to the Arabic spelling ("mnt").
This further supports that the great reading was revealed in
an area where Nabataean Aramaic was the prestige script and
hence the scribes adopted the foreign Nabataean spelling of
the proper name that they are used to instead of the Old
Arabic spelling, which matches the Arabic pronunciation.
By
connecting the locations of Old Arabic inscriptions in the
Nabataean script on the map (see figure below), we get an idea
of the general area where the great reading could have been
originally written. Given that by the late sixth century CE,
the upper parts of that area, such as Avdat and Umm Aljimal
would have been under strong Roman influence and Greek would
have become the prestige language, this leaves us with towns
in the lower part of that area as the most likely candidates
for where the great reading originated. This would be
somewhere between Hegra and Hira, including towns such as
Domat-Al-Jandal, Tabuk, Tayma, etc. Unlike the isolated and
insignificant town later named Mecca, all those towns were
significant towns on major trade routes and had diverse
multi-faith populations. Thus, any of them would fit much
better the description given in the great reading as "umm al-qura"
(an expression akin to "mother of settlements" or "the cradle
of civilization").
Any of
those towns in the Lakhmid provinces and border areas would
also fit much better the clearly multi-faith environment where
the great reading was revealed. Between the fourth and sixth
century CE, Roman Christians have been persecuting other
faiths such as Jews and even other Christian sects that they
viewed as heretic such as Nestorians and Monophysites. As a
result, those groups increasingly moved to the Lakhmid areas
were they were tolerated and welcomed as a result of their
opposition to the Romans. Thus, unlike Roman Christians, the
Nasara are never described as being Trinitarians. In 5:72-73
we see that the term Nasara doesn't occur. The passage
condemns as unappreciative/rejecters/"kuffar" Monophysites
(5:72) and Roman Trinitarians (5:73). On the other hand,
9:30-33 describes the Nasara as "mushrikeen" (setting up
partners) for claiming that Jesus is son of The God. The
Nestorians fit this description because they rejected the
Trinity and emphasized the humanity of Jesus. We know from
archeological evidence that the Lakhmid areas were the main
center for Nestorians.
Unlike the
Roman provinces where intolerance towards other religions was
rampant, it seems that paganism as well as a multitude of
faiths were tolerated and continued to flourish under the
Lakhmids. This plus the Christian and Jewish scholarship in
the area provides the context of the multi-faith environment
that the great reading was revealed in (see 22:17). The area
where the prophet originally lived was likely a cosmopolitan
north Arabian trading border town that maintained a somewhat
neutral disposition and tolerant attitude for commercial
reasons. This way, they could serve as a hub and trade with
the Persians, the Romans, and any other political entity in
the region. Business came first.
This
cosmopolitan influence is clear and hence we can see loan
words into the Arabic of the great reading that have been
borrowed directly from Middle Persian. Some examples are:
"istabraq":
brocade (76:21)
"kanz":
treasure (9:35, 9:34, 11:12, 18:82, 25:8, 18:82, 26:58, 28:76)
"dirham":
silver coin (12:20)
"jund":
army/soldiers (36:28, 36:75, 38:11, 44:24, 67:20, 19:75,
37:173, 48:4, etc.)
Unlike the
great reading, pre-quranic inscriptions in the Musnad script
use the South Arabian word "jaysh" not "jund" for
army/soldiers. Given that the Lakhmids had military alliances
with the Persians, this is consistent with the great reading
being revealed in a Lakhmid province or border town where
Persian influence on the local Arabic dialect in the domain of
military lingo would be stronger than central/south Arabian
influence.
As we saw
above, based on the orthographic evidence from the great
reading itself and physical archeological evidence, the great
reading must have originated in a north Arabian Lakhmid
province or border town and not in a central Arabian area such
as the area later known as Mecca. So if Mecca was not the town
where the great reading was originally descended and the
prophet lived, why did it take on this myth?
WHY
MECCA?
To
understand what really happened, we need to know that the
examples that The God gives us in the great reading are
directly relevant to our lives. In all the examples, the
majority of people reverted to paganism and their misguided
ways after they had received guidance. We know from the great
reading that the people of the prophet venerated idols called
Allat, Aluzza and Manat (53:19-20) and this is confirmed by
archeological evidence. We also need to know that there is
nothing in the great reading that even remotely suggests that
paganism was eradicated in Arabia and the fact that paganism
continued to flourish under the Arab kingdom is confirmed by
the evidence from manuscripts of independent non-Islamic
sources.
With this
in mind, let's observe what is going on in present day Mecca.
If you go to Mecca, you will see that people are spinning
seven times around a stone cube dressed in a black garment ("kiswah").
The focal point of the stone cube is what the pilgrims call
the "Black Stone". It is set in the southeast corner of the
stone cube precisely facing the winter sunrise. You will see
the pilgrims compete to kiss the Black Stone. If you stop any
of the pilgrims and ask them why they are performing the above
rituals, they will answer that by performing the above
rituals, their sins will be forgiven and they will return as
if they are newborns.
The precise
alignment of the Black Stone with the winter sunrise is not
coincidental. Allat, the main idol of the prophet's people,
was a fertility goddess and this is confirmed by archeological
evidence from Nabataean sites. As typical of such fertility
goddesses their symbols and rituals are related to the sun. In
this case, the direction of the winter sunrise marks the
location where the sun is "reborn". Now if you take a closer
look, you will see that the enclosure of the Black Stone is in
the shape of a dilated female vulva and the Black Stone is in
the shape of the crown of the head of the newborn baby deity
as it is coming out of the vulva.
Come closer
yet and you will see that people are kissing the head of the
newborn baby deity. Kissing the head is an ancient Arab
tradition for asking for forgiveness. So kissing the top of
the head of the newborn idol as traditionally done to ask for
forgiveness, results in the pagan's sins being wiped out as if
he or she was a newborn.
Hang around
for a while and you will observe that people spin seven times
around the Black Stone. A pre-quranic manuscript written by
Epiphanius in the fourth century CE describes the ritual of
spinning seven times as part of the birth festivals of the
Nabataean idols Allat and Dhushara around the winter solstice.
The number seven was considered sacred in Arab and pagan
symbolism in general because of the five sacred planets plus
the sun and the moon that the ancients venerated. To this day
many people in the Arab world celebrate what is termed in
Arabic Subu', which is a traditional festival that takes place
on the seventh day after the birth of a newborn and on the
seventh day after a pilgrims' return. Like the pagan
pilgrimage that we observed and Epiphanius described, as part
of the Subu' birth celebrations, people traditionally go
around the house seven times while carrying the newborn baby.
Observe the
pilgrims some more and you will see some of them running
between two hills. Ask one of them why they do it and he or
she will answer that this ritual is symbolic for looking for
water for a newborn child. In all the above empirical
observations, one can immediately see the strong connection
between ideology, rituals and symbols that form concerted
pagan celebrations of a fertility goddess giving birth. Those
pagan rituals and symbols were simply appropriated into the
new popular religion.
As a
goddess of fertility, this would make Allat equivalent to the
Greek goddess Aphrodite. This would also make her equivalent
to the Roman goddess Venus, the Semitic goddess Astarte/Ashtoreth,
the Mesopotamian Ishtar, the Vedic goddess Kali, the Anatolian
Cybele, and Frigga in the Norse mythos. Such fertility mother
goddess was worshipped all over the ancient world under
various names. Interestingly, black stones like the one in
Mecca are commonly associated with such goddesses. For
example, the following picture shows a black stone that was
venerated at the Temple of Aphrodite, near Paphos, Cyprus.

Black stone of Aphrodite
Black
phallic stones were also widely associated with the cult of
Cybele, the ancient Anatolian fertility goddess; and similar
egg-shaped black stones are, to this day, revered in Indian
temples to the Hindu fertility goddess Kali, who is also known
as Black Mother.
Interestingly, according to Greek mythology Aphrodite's beauty
is kept in a black cube. Allat has a particularly strong
association with Aphrodite because Aphrodite is the Hellenized
Allat. In post-quranic times we hear from Roman Christian
sources about Aphrodite being worshipped by Arab pagans as
late as the 8th century, long after the death of the prophet[3].
So paganism was not eradicated in Arabia as traditions contend
but remained and reemerged.
Cyprus, the
island of Aphrodite is also home to the highly venerated Hala
Sultan Tekke shrine (many consider it the third holiest shrine
of Islam). Like the shrine in Mecca, it too has a black rock,
said to have fallen as a meteorite as part of the tritholon
over the shrine. The shrine is also to a woman named Umm Haram,
the alleged foster mother of the prophet.
Another
interesting common thread that runs through several of those
idols is that they all had association with Friday. For
example, Ashtoreth is connected to Friday. So is Venus, where
the Romans named Friday after her as "dies veneris". The very
name Friday is derived from the Norse goddess, Frigga. When
the Germanic tribes invaded England they imposed their goddess
upon the day meant to honor Venus. The day was called
Frigedaeg, which gradually became "Friday". I don't think that
it is a coincidence that Friday also became the "holy day" for
sectarians who venerate Allat/Aphrodite and her black cube and
Black Stone.
Also
another interesting commonality is that such fertility
goddesses were often veiled. Like the fertility goddess
Cybele's veil, which covered her whole body, Allat's stone
cube was also veiled with a black "dress". This practice of
veiling the stone cube of the female goddess (and females in
general) with a black dress continues to this day.
There is
nothing particularly unique or amazing about what I am saying.
All prior nations have reverted to paganism to one degree or
another shortly after the death of their prophet. We can see
this, for example, in Christianity's appropriation of pagan
symbols and festivals such as Christmas. This is human nature.
To think that we are somehow unlike other humans is nothing
more than arrogant denial. This is in line with what the great
reading tells us:
12:106.
And the majority of them do not have faith in The God except
while they are idolaters.
If we
believe in 12:106, then we must know that the majority of
people who have faith in The God are idolaters who associate
idols such as Allat with The God as we saw above. If those
idolaters who are the majority wanted to maintain their
illogical and indefensible pagan symbols and rituals while
avoiding logical criticism, then what better way than to claim
that the prophet himself did like they do and that their pagan
symbols are mentioned in the great reading? By hijacking the
common noun "maka(t)"/destruction in the great reading (48:24)
an insignificant town with a small pagan temple became the
rallying center of paganism. Sometime in the late Umayyad -
early Abbasid era is when this location seems to have gained
importance and the reintroduction of Allat's beloved pagan
symbols and rituals under the guise of the new religion was
completed.
How were
billions of men and women who profess to trust in The God and
the great reading tricked into serving Allat by adoring her
stone symbols and performing her rituals? In a twist of irony,
as many of those men and women aged and estimated that death
is near, they hastened to go to Allat believing that kissing
her newborn's stone head or even just waving at it and
spinning seven times around her stone cube would make them
sinless. They believed that by doing those mindless rituals
and honoring those inert objects they were doing something
good. They thought that they would die in peace and go to
heaven. Alas, in reality they were committing unforgivable
idolatry and buying their way to unavoidable hell. Those
people are not nameless and faceless. They are most of our
forefathers, our grandparents, our parents, our loved ones, us
and probably our children. How did it come to this? Indeed,
this is the question we need to try to answer next from the
great reading so that perhaps we can protect them from a fire
whose fuel is people and stones, if The God willed. To be
continued...
IMPORTANT DISCLAIMER:
2:2.
This is the book no doubt in it, a guidance for the
forethoughtful.
This
article reflects my personal interpretation of the verses of
the reading as of January 5, 2006. I will try to improve my
understanding of the great reading and the universe, except if
The God wills and perhaps my Lord guides me to what is nearer
in rationality. Please verify all information within for
yourself as commanded in 17:36, and remember that simply
"none" is the forethoughtful answer to 45:6. If The God
willed, the outcome of this article will be beneficial.
-------------------------
NOTES
[1] MCA
Macdonald, "Reflections on the linguistic map of
pre-Islamic Arabia." Arabian arch. epig. 2000: 11: 28–79.
[2] The
fragment was first published in Violet B. Ein
zweisprachiges Psalmfragment aus Damascus and was recently
restudied by M.C.A. Macdonald who has demonstrated that it
dates to the pre-Islamic period.
[3] For
example, see: Hoyland, R., Seeing Islam as others saw it,
The Darwin Press: Princeton, NJ, 2001: 105-106, 485-486.